Baha’s cheerful smiling face belies his
family history. When Baha’s father, a Quranic sheikh in a village in
Upper Egypt, converted to the Baha’i faith, their neighbours accepted
his choice and the small community lived in peace. This changed early
one morning in 2001, when armed men in army fatigues took away his
father, mother, two uncles’ and one uncle’s wife. His father was sent to
Tora prison for nine months, his mother for seven.
After this event and his father’s public admittal to being a Baha’i,
“the village started to get a reputation for its Baha’is,” Baha
remembers. “People from the other districts would gossip and it hurt the
pride of the people in the village.”
All this came to a head in 2009, when Baha’s father and Baha’i
activist, Basma Moussa, went on the TV show “Al-Haqiqa.” Gamal Abdel
Rahim, a journalist on the show, accused them of being apostates. “You
are an infidel and should be killed,” he told the two. “Go build a
country in Israel.”
Soon afterwards, the Baha’i homes in Baha’s village were looted and
torched. The Baha’is had to flee and have not returned since. Rahim,
this year appointed editor-in-chief of Al-Gomhuria newspaper,
congratulated the attackers.
Whether living accepted in communities around Egypt or being attacked
for being Zionists spies, the fortunes of Egypt’s estimated 2,000
Baha’is have fluctuated since their arrival in the 1860s. Today, the
draft Egyptian constitution only recognises three state religions;
Islam, Christianity and Judaism, meaning the Baha’is could be written
out of Egypt’s future. So who are the Baha’is and what are they going to
do about it?
One Thursday night in Cairo, Baha is sitting on a large grey sofa, it
is one of many gathered in a circle in the white apartment. Young men
and women trickle in to the room, greeting each other warmly. In what
seems an unwritten rule, no one questions each other’s religion;
attendees have come from all faiths. “We have come to discuss our
similarities, not our differences,” announces the host as the session
starts. Slips of paper are handed out, printed with sayings from the
Torah, Quran, Bible and other holy books. Sitting here you might not
even guess it is a Baha’i devotional meeting, save for the framed
photograph standing in the corner; a portrait of a turbaned man with
violet coloured eyes.
Origins
The violet coloured eyes belonged to a Persian named Abdul Baha. He
was the son of Mirza Hussein Ali, or Baha’u’llah, prophet of the Baha’i
religion. Hussein Ali claimed to be the latest in a line of prophets
including Abraham, Moses, Buddha, Krishna, Zoroaster, Christ and
Muhammad. He believed humans were progressing towards a global society
without conflict or prejudice. He promoted gender equality, universal
education and the elimination of poverty. Baha’is believed in the
independent seeking of truth, abrogation of the clergy, and election of
Baha’i representatives. For these beliefs, Baha’u’llah was persecuted in
his birthplace of Iran and imprisoned in Acre, modern-day Israel, where
he died.
Abdul Baha toured the Middle East after his father’s death, spreading
word of the new religion. While in Lebanon he met a kindred spirit; the
Egyptian Mohamed Abduh. Abdul Baha would go on to spread a faith which
now has seven million followers and is the second most geographically
widespread religion after Christianity. Abduh would become the father of
the modern idea of an Islamic state and a great influence on Hasan
Al-Bana, founder of the Muslim Brotherhood. Their friendship indicates
Egypt’s openness to Baha’is at the time.
Picture of Abdul Baha as a young man.
“They discussed matters which concerned the east; how to progress and
develop while protecting eastern and religious values and principles,”
says historian Suheil Bushrui. “It was not an issue that he [Abdul Baha]
was not a Muslim; at that time in the culture of the Arab world, and
especially Egypt, there was a great deal of discussion and especially
dialogue opening up and investigating new ideas.”
Early acceptance
By 1924, a Baha’i National Spiritual Assembly, the elected governing
body of the Baha’i faith in Egypt, was established. It was the fourth in
the world. Egypt became a hub for Baha’i pilgrims travelling to Acre.
In 1925 in Beba, Upper Egypt, a Shari’a appellate court annulled the
marriages of three Baha’i men who had married Muslim women. However, in
so doing the judge legitimated the Baha’i faith, declaring it “a new
religion, entirely independent with principles and laws of its own.” The
Baha’i faith was officially recognised in 1934. By the late 1950s,
there were approximately 5,000 Egyptian Baha’is, local Baha’i assemblies
in 13 cities and towns and the community had purchased 17,000 square
meters of land on the banks of the Nile for a Baha’i house of worship.
Basma Moussa, the Cairo University professor who appeared on
television with Baha’s father, sits in her garden looking through
photos. In one, her mother peers excitedly from behind a large crowd
inside the National Spiritual Assembly building in Cairo. She remembers
her mother’s stories of the assembly, “there were always people coming
and going, visits from different countries and an equal number of men
and women, which was quite unusual at the time. People in the area
accepted the assembly as something normal.”
Persecution
This acceptance was not to last. Forty years after Saad Zaghloul led a
revolution under the slogan, “religion belongs to God and the homeland
to all,” Egyptian President Gamal Abdul Nasser became concerned about
the rise of Baha’is and their links to a nascent expansionist Israel on
his borders. In 1960, he issued Decree 263, paragraph six of which
proclaimed “all Baha’i assemblies and centres [are] hereby dissolved,
and their activities suspended.” Baha’is were allowed to practice in
their homes, but all official Baha’i properties, funds and assets were
confiscated. They have still not been returned.
Nasser’s actions were driven by a desire to reinforce secularism, but
subsequent administrations would target Baha’is for their perceived
heresy. The 1971 constitution promised, “the state shall guarantee the
freedom of belief and the freedom of practice of religious rites.” Four
years later, however, the Supreme Court upheld the legality of Decree
263 and ruled constitutional protections only extended to the three
“heavenly” religions of Judaism, Christianity and Islam.
From 1965 to 2001 there were 236 arrests of Baha’is, charged under
Article 98(f) of the Penal Code which proscribes “disparaging contempt
of any divinely-revealed religion or its adherents, or prejudicing
national unity or social harmony.” It was rare for these cases to be
followed by prosecution; most were simply released after being detained.
Albert-Ludwig University of Freiberg’s Professor of Islamic Studies,
Johanna Pink, has suggested the government was not so much concerned
with the Baha’i being a real threat, but was attempting to “legitimise”
its authority in the eyes of the people, presenting themselves as
“defenders” of Egypt as an Islamic state.
Public attitudes
The government’s opportunistic discrimination against Baha’is was
based on the fact public perception was generally negative and based on
rumours. After the 1960s, “the tone of the press became much more
negative and even polemical,” wrote Pink in a 2005 paper on freedom of
belief. She added that by 2005, a connection between the Baha’i faith
and Zionism was taken for granted in the media. In 2008, the Andalus
Institute for Tolerance and anti-Violence Studies noted many national
newspapers’ reports “implie[d] direct incitement to hatred against
Baha’i.” Baha’is were also often seen as a security threat, and the
United States Commission on International Religious Freedom, cites
claims made most frequently by conservative clerics such as Abdel Moneim
Al-Shahat, a prominent Salafi leader, that “Baha’is deserve no rights
in a new constitution and…should be tried for treason.” From 1910 to
2010, 15
fatwas(Islamic religious rulings) labelled Baha’is heretics, based on the fact that Baha’is believed in a prophet after Muhammad.
All this affected the personal lives of the descendants of those
converted by Baha’i Iranian traders years ago. Sumaya Mohamed Ramadan,
winner of the Naguib Mafouz prize for literature, remembers her
introduction to the Baha’i faith in England. “I saw a picture of this
oriental man with a turban and I thought what is he doing in this living
room in Brighton? I started to ask and I missed the train home that
night.” Coming back, Ramadan’s conversion was accepted by her family,
although occasionally her religion would cause others embarrassment.
“One time we were talking about equality, everyone was agreeing with
what I was saying and then I mentioned some of my ideas were based on
the fact I was a Baha’i, and the whole room went silent,” she recalls.
Moussa graduated in the top ten of her class in dental medicine and
started working in Cairo University. When her colleagues questioned her
different fasting patterns, she revealed her religion, “some started not
to speak to me or eat with me.” Some started to accuse her of missing
work, she says. Moussa was continually overlooked for promotion and
spent a long time fighting the administration of her university. “I lost
five years of my life and career complaining about it and I had to do
it alone,” she says. “I couldn’t mention the discrimination was because I
was Baha’i.”
A more positive wave of support followed a court case in 2009, when
Baha’is won the right to declare their religion on their ID card. Not
declaring their religion would have removed their entitlement to a range
of rights including education, housing and franchise. Their only other
option was to commit fraud or lie about their religion. Many media
outlets highlighted the case, helping create more public understanding.
“The media was biased before… in 2009 there was a legitimate and neutral
report,” a reporter in Masry Al Youm told Daniel Perrell, author of a
2010 study on Baha’i rights. Many non-governmental organisations (NGOs)
also got behind the case. Despite this, Pink says other “Egyptian human
rights groups have been reluctant to take up the case of unpopular
minority religious groups like the Baha’i Faith… fear[ing] that this
might compromise their ability to speak out on other issues which they
consider more important.”
The revolution
The 25 January revolution gave everyone hope for change, and the
Baha’i hope for acceptance. The Baha’is of Egypt released an open letter
to the nation enthusing about the possibilities for the future.
Baha’i National Spiritual Assembly before 1950.
Basma Moussa / Daily News Egypt
“Media concentrates on the negative aspects to Baha’is… but we want
to help build the country, all Egyptians together, and since the
revolution we are more able to do that,” says Baha’i NGO worker, Shady
Samir.
Moussa noticed a great difference in her treatment since the
revolution. “People started stopping me in the street and saying ‘I’m
not a Baha’i but I respect your struggle.’ Before they were scared to
speak about religious freedom, after the revolution everyone started to
speak about his opinion.” Her employer’s attitude also changed, “last
March they promoted me to professor… and I didn’t have to push for it,”
she smiles.
Where to now? The constitutional question
The current debate about the new constitution raises many issues of
concern for the Baha’i community. For example, the proposed Article 8
which states, “freedom of religion is absolute and practices shall be
conducted in accordance with public order. The state shall ensure
freedom to establish places of worship for adherents of Abrahamic
religions in accordance with the law.”
The clause would mean Baha’is would not be able to practice their
religions in public or build places of worship. Nor does it suggest that
the state would be involved in protecting freedom of religion.
Much depends on how the constitution is interpreted by the new legal
system. “Anything written in a constitution is only as valuable as the
enforcement of it,” says Perrell. “Constitutions have tremendous
normative value and by listing only a few religions… they inhibit
legitimate conversation about what constitutes a religion and validates
those who would discriminate against any unlisted religion.”
Mohsen Kamal, deputy director of the Andalus Institute for Tolerance
and Anti Violence Studies, suggests further implications. The 2009
ruling on ID cards could be nullified, he says. It could be even harder
for Baha’is to go to the media and talk about their rights. “If they are
talking about their religion they could be accused of insulting Islam.”
The article of the new constitution implementing “the principles of
Shari’a law,” could result in Baha’is being punished as apostates.
“In plain words,” wrote Baha’i blogger Bilo, “and according to the
current rhetoric, promulgated by Islamists and many of those
participating in drafting Egypt’s new constitution, if you are a Baha’i
in Egypt, you are not recognized or protected under the constitution or
any laws that enforce equal rights because only adherents of the three
religions are entitled to such protections.”
Mahmoud Ghozlan, spokesperson of the Muslim Brotherhood and a member
of the new Egyptian National Council of Human Rights, defends the
implementation of Article 8. “Baha’ism is not a religion,” he asserts,
before describing how the constitution will not negatively affect
Baha’is. “They will have the freedom to worship but they will not be
recognised as a religion.”
This sentiment was echoed by a Constituent Assembly member, Farid
Ismael, in a recent broadcast television programme, Akher Kalam. Ismael
claimed this article should not cause Baha’is to fear for their safety,
stating the assembly did not condone attacking anyone because of their
religion and if Baha’is were threatened then the government would
protect them.
“There is something called the general order. We won’t let a minority
promote their religion, which would go against the general order, and
jeopardise social peace,” justifies Ghozlan. This attitude was similarly
recorded in a paper by academic Daniel Cantini in 2009, “the view of
Egyptian jurisdiction is that public interest, even as vaguely defined
ones [such] as Shari’a, respect of recognised religions, social peace or
national unity, have priority over the individual right of freedom of
belief.”
The importance of the Baha’i case for Egypt rests on what it tells us
about the attitude of Ghozlan and other decision makers. Their fate
indicates how much fundamental change Egyptian institutions have
undergone since the revolution.
“Why do we point to what has happened to the Baha’is?” asked Faraj
Fuda, a renowned secularist, before his assassination by Islamists in
1994. “What happens to the Baha’is today may happen to others tomorrow
and that the chain [of events] that starts with the Baha’is will
inevitably end with enlightened Muslims.”
The future
The Constitution remains in draft and much debated. What can Baha’is do to influence its provisions?
Fundamentally, the problem Baha’is have always faced is ignorance and
prejudice in a society in which religion is often a crucial aspect of
identity. Legal changes are essential, but the importance is in the
implementation, and this is grounded in the attitude of the people. As
recorded in an interview with the former UN secretary general, Boutros
Boutros Ghali in 2010, “there is still a lot of work to be done
socially…according to Boutros Boutros-Ghali, there is still limited
success, ‘when the small administrator may consider the Baha’i the
devil.’”
Baha reflects three years on from when his family’s houses were
torched. “Even the people who attacked [my family] were usually nice
people” he says, “friends of friends, I think people did not know about
the religion. They believed rumours… if there has been a
misunderstanding, as a Baha’i it’s my fault. I need to clear that
misunderstanding.”
Shady Samir is the grandson of one of the Baha’i men whose marriage
was annulled in the Beba case in 1925. He works for an NGO which helps
young people learn how to use information technology. It is a job he has
chosen, he says, as part of the “service” all Baha’is must perform in
order to promote unity and peace. Samir says Baha’is should not just
focus on their rights, but wider issues, such as the position of women.
By demonstrating their positive contribution to society inclusive of all
Egyptians, Baha’is might gain the trust and change attitudes of those
around them. “When I was growing up, the community was more afraid and
enclosed,” he says, “more of a minority mentality. Now especially we are
being more open.”
Running youth groups, volunteering in their community, helping their
neighbours are all ways in which Baha’i are encouraged to foster
understanding and acceptance of their faith.
Ramadan suggests, “evolution can be a revolution. Plant a seed and it
will cost you, but with work and perseverance and faith there will be
fruit. There is no point revolting to try to make the tree grow in a
second. The revolution is a learning process for everyone, just because
it has aspects that don’t suit me doesn’t mean it is not a good thing…
you choose to be grateful and work with what there is.”
The Baha’is appear determined to keep on preparing for the time of
unity predicted by their holy books. At the end we have to “grin and
bear it” says Ramadan. She intends to “build little circles of influence
and big circles of concern… so you can influence your circle and change
society.”
Back in Zamalek at the inter-faith meeting, the slips have been read
out and people gather in groups to discuss the subject of “peace.”
What is peace, we are encouraged to ask ourselves. How could we
achieve it? Some think that you should understand yourself, others
reject this. “Just being at peace with yourself is selfish. We need to
think about world problems.” Some quote Martin Luther King Junior,
others religious texts. “What’s so great about peace anyway?” grumbles
one participant, initiating a string of refutations and strong
admonitions from the Martin Luther King fan.
Afterwards, I ask people what the session means for them. One
attendee tells me it helps him to think about his life. He goes back to
the people at work, his family and talks about the other perspectives
he’s heard. “Many people here come to learn about others and have the
freedom to express ideas,” notes the organiser. “It might be the first
time they read the Bible for example,” and certainly the first time to
gain an understanding of Baha’i texts.
In 2009, Baha’s father was being accused on television of being an
infidel and threatened with death. His words then reflect a hope which
continues with Baha’is today. “I would like to tell the nation, [quoting
from the Quran] ‘if a wicked person brings any news to you, you shall
first investigate, lest you commit an injustice towards some people out
of ignorance and become sorry and remorseful for what you have done,’”
he said. “I ask the Muslims and Egyptians to seek the truth.”